By Immanuel Ness
As bureaucratic hard work unions are at present less than attack during the international, so much have surrendered the achievements of the mid-20th century, while the operating classification used to be a militant strength for switch. As unions implode and weaken, employees are independently forming their very own unions, rooted within the culture of syndicalism and autonomism—and unions rooted within the culture of self-directed motion are auguring a brand new interval of sophistication fight during the global. In Africa, Asia, the Americas, and Europe, staff are rejecting leaders and forming real class-struggle unions rooted in sabotage, direct motion, and extraordinary to accomplish concrete profits. this can be the 1st ebook to assemble staff struggles on a world foundation, studying the formation and growth of radical unions within the worldwide South and worldwide North. The tangible facts marshaled during this e-book serves as a instruction manual for realizing the bold hindrances and urban possibilities for employees difficult neoliberal capitalism, at the same time the unions of the previous decline and disappear. participants contain Au Loong-Yu, Bai Ruixue, Arup ok. Sen, Shawn Hattingh, Piotr Bizyukov and Irina Olimpieva, Genese M. Sodikoff, Aviva Chomsky, Dario Bursztyn, Gabriel Kuhn, Erik Forman, Steven Manicastri, and Jack Kirkpatrick.
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Extra info for New Forms of Worker Organization: The Syndicalist and Autonomist Restoration of Class-Struggle Unionism
Sample text
Nothing in United States labor law requires this fatal concession. This was the pattern that John L. Lewis sought to establish in the United Mine Workers and to impose on incipient CIO unions. Roger Baldwin of the American Civil Liberties Union, who was familiar with the aspirations of the breakaway Progressive Miners of America in Illinois, opposed the National Labor Relations or Wagner Act for this reason. As editor Ness sets out in his Introduction and chapter, the Communist Party of the United States (and, it seems, elsewhere) accepted these restrictions on self-activity for a political reason.
The greater goal of achieving a general strike among workers in a given location, motivated by broader class solidarity and featuring militant activity—including seizing control over production. • Opposition to the collective bargaining agreement (CBA) that circumscribes the capacity of workers to engage in direct action. The CBA may bring orderly benefits but has limited guarantees for workers and distorts the innate contestation for power in the workplace every day by making job actions illegal during the course of the contract.
Traditional unions ignore such conditions at their own peril: • Unions that represent only a portion of workers. • Unions in which the leadership has nebulous ties to members, or conditions are such that the union as a force is absent and workers may not even have awareness of an actual union. • Union formations that are not officially recognized by state labor law, legal authorities, or established unions. Frequently, management is more responsive to the demands of internal parallel formations or organic demands of the workers than to those of organized unions, as a consequence of traditional unions’ failure to offer a viable, tactical strategy for workers to build power.