Republican Politics and English Poetry, 1789–1874 by Stephanie Kuduk Weiner

By Stephanie Kuduk Weiner

This learn explores how poets who espoused republican political beliefs sought to include and increase these ideas of their verse. through reading more than a few canonical and non-canonical authors-including Blake, Shelley, Cooper, Linton, Landor, Meredith, Thomson and Swinburne, Kuduk Weiner connects the formal techniques of republican poems to the political thought and expressive cultures of republican radicalism. Her new learn lines a pressure of strong, advanced political poetry that casts new mild at the political and literary heritage of nineteenth-century England.

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By Stephanie Kuduk Weiner

This learn explores how poets who espoused republican political beliefs sought to include and increase these ideas of their verse. through reading more than a few canonical and non-canonical authors-including Blake, Shelley, Cooper, Linton, Landor, Meredith, Thomson and Swinburne, Kuduk Weiner connects the formal techniques of republican poems to the political thought and expressive cultures of republican radicalism. Her new learn lines a pressure of strong, advanced political poetry that casts new mild at the political and literary heritage of nineteenth-century England.

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50 The Newgate Magazine also printed a steady stream of poetry criticism, most numbers containing at least one such essay, letter, or review. Yet poetry was not uniformly embraced by the editors and readers of the Newgate Magazine. The paper’s theory of political verse emerged not through a gradual accretion of consensus but through fierce debate and disagreement. This debate involved fundamental questions about poetry’s worth as well as attempts to define precisely what poetry does, and how, for republican radicalism.

The dislocation of the poor from the land, food shortages exacerbated by the war, and the enclosure of previously common lands are the conditions leading to both hungry children and fertile fields. Blake does not specify which of these social and economic causes he has in mind here. What he does say is that the simultaneity of child poverty and a rich land defies the laws of nature. ’51 By unveiling the ‘land of poverty’ that exists within the ‘rich and fruitful land,’ Blake links the responsibility for the hunger of all children to the miserly usury of the charity schools and the theater of holiness of the St Paul’s service.

Hazlitt writes, ‘poets [. ] make bad philosophers and worse politicians. 25 Hazlitt, conversely, seems to have been seized by disappointment. Speaking of the man who, like himself, cannot cease to care about the state of the world, Hazlitt described how his ‘views become jaundiced, sinister, and double’ (92). He insisted that he no longer ‘look[ed] forward with much confidence or hope to the brilliant illusions held out by the future’ (22). Instead, he stated, ‘I have naturally but little imagination [.

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