By Robert D. Parmet
The grasp of 7th road is the definitive biography of David Dubinsky (1892—1982), some of the most debatable and influential exertions leaders in 20th-century the United States. A “character” within the truest experience of the be aware, Dubinsky was once either respected and reviled, yet by no means boring, conformist, or sure through conference. A Jewish hard work radical, Dubinsky fled czarist Poland in 1910 and started his occupation as a garment employee and union agitator in big apple urban. He speedy rose in the course of the ranks of the overseas girls’ Garment Workers’Union (ILGWU) and have become its president in 1932. Dubinsky led the ILGWU for thirty-four years, the place he championed “social unionism,” which provided staff advantages starting from overall healthiness care to housing. relocating past the area of the ILGWU, Dubinsky additionally performed a number one position within the American Federation of work (AFL), fairly in the course of international struggle II. A staunch anti-communist, Dubinsky labored tirelessly to rid the yankee hard work move of communists and fellow-travelers.Robert D. Parmet additionally chronicles Dubinsky’s influential position in neighborhood, nationwide, and overseas politics. a unprecedented character whose existence and instances current a desirable lens into the yankee exertions flow, Dubinsky leaps off the pages of this meticulously researched and vividly particular biography.
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Additional resources for The Master of Seventh Avenue: David Dubinsky and the American Labor Movement
Hylan. As New Yorkers elected a mayor, Bolsheviks in Russia seized power. Led by V. I. Lenin, these revolutionaries overthrew the liberal provisional 20 | East Side Socialist government that had been established in March when an upheaval precipitated by wartime hardship toppled Czar Nicholas II and the Romanov dynasty. 32 Dubinsky, though, was not pleased. He identified himself with the moderate Menshevik wing of the Russian revolutionary movement, sometime allies of the Bundists. In a fight over Meyer London, Dubinsky lined up with the right wing of the Socialist movement in New York.
At a membership meeting, Dubinsky denied these allegations. By quoting from the working cards of six opposition candidates, he demonstrated that they had received five to ten dollars per week in wage increases since 1922. 17 Such success in collective bargaining did not come as readily in Dubinsky’s homeland, Poland. Resurrected as a state in 1918 as a result of the defeat in the First World War of its three partitioning powers—Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia—by 1931 Poland would have a higher percentage of Jews than any land other than Palestine.
Yet the Communists were the only ones of significance to Dubinsky. As the general manager of Local 10, he regularly engaged them in battle during meetings and elections. Each time he won handily, as he would explain, “because of the support that I received from the old timers, the former conservatives—the so-called Tammany [people]. 62 Benjamin Schlesinger and the General Executive Board of the ILGWU shared that view and refused to entertain suggestions for change. How could those who followed the orders of the Communist International in Moscow not be misguided, dangerous, or both?