By Sorin Antohi, Vladimir Tismaneanu
The 10th anniversary of the cave in of communism in relevant and japanese Europe is the foundation for this article which displays upon the earlier ten years and what lies forward for the longer term. a world team of lecturers and public intellectuals, together with former dissidents and energetic politicians, interact in an trade at the antecedents, reasons, contexts, meanings and legacies of the 1989 revolutions. The participants handle quite a few concerns together with liberal democracy and its enemies; modernity and discontent; financial reforms and their social influence; ethnicity; nationalism and faith; geopolitics; electoral structures and political strength; eu integration; and the loss of life of Yugoslavia.
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Additional info for Between Past and Future: The Revolution of 1989 and Their Aftermath
The events of 1989 were marked by this combination of features found in the political thinking of the anticommunist opposition. Most oppositionists did not make successful transitions to government offi cials, civil servants, or parliamentarians. But the general principles of their political thinking were nonetheless a significant element in defining the distinctive qualities of those events. 1989 as a Rebirth The events of 1989 were profoundly antirevolutionary, so they cannot be called revolutions.
What is this world that has been enacted—that is being enacted—in Bosnia, and what is its significance for thinking about democracy in our time? If in other parts of East Central Europe the demise of communism liberated democratic oppositions and helped to set in motion a process— for good and ill—of political and economic liberalization, in Yugoslavia it had the effect of setting in motion a process of rapid and precipitous political implosion. The republics of Bosnia, Croatia, and Slovenia quickly declared their independence and moved toward secession.
We have then a political system restrained by law. A still more meaningful con ception of constitutionalism is not narrowly legal, but more broadly po litical. It refers to the art and science of designing political institutions, creating in the process the capacity to achieve collective purposes, but also restraining those institutions by the rule of law. I would like to suggest a "constitutionalism" that is broader still: a perspective on modernity, politics, and human interaction. According to this conception the central battle of modern politics and (underlying that) the central battle of human interaction in general is the battle between creative and destructive power.