By Marco Rimanelli (eds.)
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Thus, most local politicians and the DC as well, had to build a power base in Sicily through some agreement with the Mafia (and the Camorra in Naples). By the early 1950s the DC-Vatican alliance had turned too conservative for most Italian public opinion, leaving the DC with an eroding political 46 • Marco Rimanelli base. 2 million southerners migrated to the fast-growing industries of Northern Italy; of these over 500,000 moved abroad to Europe (86 percent to Germany, Switzerland and Belgium), but only 250,000 went overseas (United States, Canada, Australia, Latin America) in the 1951–74 period.
S. pressures to outlaw the Left, allowing the extreme oppositions to survive and slowly be reabsorbed into the democratic system. S. interference in Italian politics became infrequent after the 1950s. S. S. S. National Security Advisors Henry Kissinger and Zbignew Brzezinski in the 1970s for the Nixon’s Republican and Carter’s Democratic administrations). The DC benefited immensely from U. S. S. /Western free trade capitalism allowed Italian enterprises to finally flourish in international trade, while domestic economic growth (“Economic Miracle”) transformed the country’s socio-cultural make-up.
On the other hand, the DC and other democratic parties permanently occupied state power to strengthen Italy’s traditionally weak national identity, while rallying masses of voters and cadres through their party machinery to loyally embrace the country’s new democratic national consciousness. As official guarantors of the republic’s democratic institutions (while keeping the executive weak to prevent any new “strong man” from prevailing), the “constitutional arc parties” became completely identified in the public mind with the “First Republic” and state institutions.