Food, the Body and the Self by Deborah Lupton

By Deborah Lupton

During this wide-ranging and thought-provoking research of the sociocultural and private meanings of nutrition and consuming, Deborah Lupton explores the connection among meals and embodiment, the sentiments and subjectivity. She contains dialogue of the intertwining of nutrition, which means and tradition within the context of adolescence and the relations, in addition to: the gendered social development of foodstuffs; meals tastes, dislikes and personal tastes; the dining-out event; spirituality; and the `civilized' physique. She attracts on various resources, together with representations of nutrients and consuming in movie, literature, ads, connoisseur magazines, information reviews and public overall healthiness literature, and her personal empirical learn into people's personal tastes, stories, reports

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By Deborah Lupton

During this wide-ranging and thought-provoking research of the sociocultural and private meanings of nutrition and consuming, Deborah Lupton explores the connection among meals and embodiment, the sentiments and subjectivity. She contains dialogue of the intertwining of nutrition, which means and tradition within the context of adolescence and the relations, in addition to: the gendered social development of foodstuffs; meals tastes, dislikes and personal tastes; the dining-out event; spirituality; and the `civilized' physique. She attracts on various resources, together with representations of nutrients and consuming in movie, literature, ads, connoisseur magazines, information reviews and public overall healthiness literature, and her personal empirical learn into people's personal tastes, stories, reports

Show description

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Sample text

In childhood and a d u l t h o o d , food is inextricably interlinked with group membership as well as kinship. T h e incorporation of food works both to construct a notion of individual subjectivity through the individual taking in the qualities of that food, and also includes that individual into a culinary system and therefore into a social g r o u p (Fischler, 1988: 280-1). T h e categorization of a substance as edible implies that it is accepted into the community and then into the individual's body.

T h a t is not to say that the w o m e n necessarily enjoyed the task; they simply recognized the convention that it was theirs to fulfil each day as wives and m o t h e r s . Little has changed since these studies were published: cooking is still overwhelmingly viewed as the responsibility of w o m e n r a t h e r than m e n . W a r d e and H e t h e r i n g t o n (1994) u n d e r t o o k a survey of domestic a r r a n g e m e n t s a r o u n d food in predominantly middle-class English households in the G r e a t e r Manchester area.

A contemporary study of working-class Scottish mothers found that they t e n d e d to describe 'good food' as that which was provided by the father and 'prepared lovingly by the m o t h e r , and served by her to a family all seated at o n e table' (Blaxter and Paterson, 1983: 102). This view remained strong even in (or because of) the reality of broken families caused by poverty, death and divorce. Research a m o n g w o m e n living in South Wales similarly found that the 'cooked dinner', comprising m e a t , p o t a t o e s , at least o n e additional vegetable, and gravy was regarded as the ' " p r o p e r m e a l " par excellence' (Murcott, 1982: 677).

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