By Fred Dallmayr Ph.D.
As well as battle, terrorism, and unchecked army violence, modernity is additionally topic to much less noticeable yet no much less venomous conflicts. international in nature, those "culture wars" exacerbate the tensions among culture and innovation, advantage and freedom. the world over acclaimed student Fred Dallmayr charts a path past those chronic yet curable dichotomies in vital Pluralism: past tradition Wars. Consulting diversified fields resembling philosophy, literature, political technology, and spiritual experiences, Dallmayr equates smooth heritage with a means of regular pluralization. This strategy, which Dallmayr calls "integral pluralism," calls for new connections and creates moral responsibilities.Dallmayr severely compares vital pluralism opposed to the theories of Carl Schmitt, the non secular correct, overseas "realism," and so-called political Islam. Drawing at the works of James, Heidegger, Gadamer, and Merleau-Ponty, fundamental Pluralism deals subtle and punctiliously researched strategies for the conflicts of the fashionable international.
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Additional info for Integral Pluralism: Beyond Culture Wars
Other ways of characterizing the notion is to speak of the tensional linkage between reason and its precognitive underpinnings, between system and lifeworld, or else between critical rationality and innovative disclosure (of possibilities). To illustrate what is involved, I turn to two prominent Indian philosophers whose writings exemplify the issues involved: Daya Krishna and Ramchandra Gandhi (one of the Mahatma’s grandsons). The former places himself squarely in the modern tradition of critical rational philosophy shaped by Descartes and Kant, while being distant from, if not dismissive of, large segments of traditional Indian spirituality.
That sympathy is much more difficult to explain in the case of more recent French thinkers— especially left-leaning intellectuals—who explicitly or implicitly follow Schmitt’s conceptual strategy. In this case, several factors militate against an easy symbiosis. ” The same stance puts pressure on all modes of essentializing bifurcations, such as the dichotomies between self and other, inside and outside, private and public, immanence and transcendence. On this score, Schmitt’s designation of the “other” or “stranger” as the enemy runs counter to the central objective of engagement with otherness and alterity.
Erecting a sharp public-private divide, Schmitt locates the political distinction strictly in the public domain. In his words: “An enemy exists only when, at least potentially, one fighting collectivity of people confronts a similar collectivity. ” Turning to the biblical injunction mentioned above, Schmitt relies on a semantic distinction that can (possibly) be made in the Latin translation: that between hostis (public) and inimicus (private). ”11 Although supported by casuistry, Schmitt’s comments on biblical teachings have at least one salutary effect: by privatizing faith, they guard against the temptation of conflating religion and politics (especially when the latter is construed in Schmitt’s sense).