International Labour Migration: Foreign Workers and Public by D. Bartram

By D. Bartram

Reviews of foreign labour migration often imagine that overseas labour is a common characteristic of rich economies. Exploitation of overseas employees can give a contribution considerably to employers' earnings. in spite of the fact that, a few filthy rich societies don't import employees on a wide scale, regardless of employers' pressures. utilizing Israel and Japan as empirical situations, this comparative-historical paintings investigates why a few governments let employers quite unfastened entry to international labour, whereas others require replacement responses to labour shortages. a spotlight on edition ends up in an leading edge and insightful argument to provide an explanation for foreign labour migration.

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By D. Bartram

Reviews of foreign labour migration often imagine that overseas labour is a common characteristic of rich economies. Exploitation of overseas employees can give a contribution considerably to employers' earnings. in spite of the fact that, a few filthy rich societies don't import employees on a wide scale, regardless of employers' pressures. utilizing Israel and Japan as empirical situations, this comparative-historical paintings investigates why a few governments let employers quite unfastened entry to international labour, whereas others require replacement responses to labour shortages. a spotlight on edition ends up in an leading edge and insightful argument to provide an explanation for foreign labour migration.

Show description

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Extra resources for International Labour Migration: Foreign Workers and Public Policy

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Part of the essence of the developmental state is that policymakers adopt a long-range perspective and tolerate short-term costs. But solving short-term problems, 24 International Labor Migration including labor shortages, may in particular cases be viewed as essential for pursuing long-term developmental goals. The argument, then, is not that the developmental state will always reject foreign labor, simply that it is less likely to adopt this option. The argument is probabilistic (Brubaker 1989) and recognizes that there may be more than one path to a particular complex outcome (Ragin 1987).

Because of International Labor Office conventions guaranteeing the right of family reunification) and they permit the entry of immediate family members, especially when the original workers begin receiving extended-duration work permits. By the late 1980s, the vast majority of migrant inflows to Europe were attributable to family reunification provisions (Hopkinson 1992). Are such persons foreign workers when employed? I would argue they are. Some governments mandate a waiting period before the family members can receive a work permit; governments do not usually view family reunification programs as a form of labor migration.

An argument that pays close attention to government policy is perhaps ill suited to explain a phenomenon that apparently contravenes that policy. But there are two reasons why my argument is useful in spite of this apparent limitation. First, illegal immigration exists in significant part because governments fail to make it a priority to stop it, by allocating enforcement resources and reducing the legal obstacles to enforcement and deportations. In some respects this lack of determination derives from the constraints of international law and from the increasing cost of immigration prevention given economic globalization (Hollifield 1992).

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