Politicians and Poachers: The Political Economy of Wildlife by Clark C. Gibson

By Clark C. Gibson

This publication explores the politics of natural world conservation coverage in Africa, in particular Zambia, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. The booklet addresses a common query: Why do not natural world rules appear to be operating? instead of use common causes equivalent to "bureaucratic inefficiency" or "corrupt dictators," the ebook demonstrates how politicians in any respect degrees use natural world coverage for his or her personal political ends, that can or won't contain conservation. The e-book makes use of electoral and archival information, in addition to interviews with members starting from presidents to poachers to deal with this factor.

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By Clark C. Gibson

This publication explores the politics of natural world conservation coverage in Africa, in particular Zambia, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. The booklet addresses a common query: Why do not natural world rules appear to be operating? instead of use common causes equivalent to "bureaucratic inefficiency" or "corrupt dictators," the ebook demonstrates how politicians in any respect degrees use natural world coverage for his or her personal political ends, that can or won't contain conservation. The e-book makes use of electoral and archival information, in addition to interviews with members starting from presidents to poachers to deal with this factor.

Show description

Read or Download Politicians and Poachers: The Political Economy of Wildlife Policy in Africa (Political Economy of Institutions and Decisions) PDF

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Extra info for Politicians and Poachers: The Political Economy of Wildlife Policy in Africa (Political Economy of Institutions and Decisions)

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29 In Southern and Central provinces, local activists used "two things calculated to stir up the Ba-Ila [an ethnic group]: questions affecting land and hunting rights. 31 National-level African politicians also denounced the colonial government's wildlife policy. 34 By the time of the 1964 elections, political activists had led Zambians to believe that independence would give them the right to hunt without restriction. In the months that followed, however, wildlife policy did not change: The incentives generated by the political institutions of the First Republic and Kenneth Kaunda's preference for conservation conspired against such hopes.

84 But the three wildlife department officers who drafted the bill did not bequeath all of the most critical powers over wildlife to the minister. In the form originally presented to the National Assembly, the bill designated the director of the wildlife department - not the minister - as the highest authority regarding appeals related to license refusals, suspensions, or cancellations (Sec. 66,71); trophy dealers' permits (Sec. 98); the export of game meat or trophies, including ivory and rhino horn (Sec.

Thus, government jobs became a principal means to distribute political largesse after independence. 75 Although UNIP secured political support through its employment pol35 The National Politics of Wildlife Policy icies, the government's rapid expansion of the civil service also confronted significant obstacles, not the least of which was finding qualified personnel. 76 As late as February 1964, Zambians held only 38 of 848 administrative and professional positions. 77 The issue, then, was how UNIP could employ relatively unskilled citizens within government.

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