By Takeyuki Tsuda
Because the overdue Eighties, Brazilians of jap descent were "return" migrating to Japan as unskilled international staff. With an immigrant inhabitants at the moment envisioned at approximately 280,000, eastern Brazilians are actually the second one biggest staff of foreigners in Japan. even supposing they're of eastern descent, such a lot have been born in Brazil and are culturally Brazilian. for that reason, they've got develop into Japan's most recent ethnic minority.Drawing upon just about years of multisite fieldwork in Brazil and Japan, Takeyuki Tsuda has written a accomplished ethnography that examines the ethnic studies and reactions of either jap Brazilian immigrants and their local jap hosts. based on their socioeconomic marginalization of their ethnic place of birth, jap Brazilians have reinforced their Brazilian nationalist sentiments regardless of changing into individuals of an more and more well-integrated transnational migrant neighborhood. even if such migrant nationalism allows them to withstand assimilationist eastern cultural pressures, its problem to eastern ethnic attitudes and ethnonational identification is still inherently contradictory. Strangers within the Ethnic place of birth illuminates how cultural encounters as a result of transnational migration can toughen neighborhood ethnic identities and nationalist discourses.
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Additional resources for Strangers in the Ethnic Homeland
Sample text
In such cases of mistaken social identity, anthropologists have struggled to convince their informants that they are actually researchers and do not have other motives or agendas. However, it is not only their professional identities that are at stake—fieldworkers must also deal with informants’ perceptions of their ethnic, national, gender, and class identities. In other words, the whole self must be continuously negotiated with the natives throughout the fieldwork process in a manner that will be favorable for research purposes.
Call it national character or Latino warmth, but the contrast with ordinary Japanese was quite stark. In fact, I did not find my acceptance among the non-nikkeijin Brazilians in the factory to be any less than among the Japanese Brazilians despite our supposedly greater ethnic distance. Both Japanese Brazilians and Brazilians were equally interested in the Japanese American in their midst. In fact, word of my presence spread among them in the factory so that after a while, some of the individuals I met for the first time had already heard about me from their companions.
They acted as if we simply did not exist. (1973:412–13) 18 Introduction: Ethnicity and the Anthropologist However, whatever the initial reaction of the natives, many anthropologists stick out in the field like a sore thumb. As Geertz quickly adds: The indifference, of course, was studied; the villagers were watching every move we made, and they had an enormous amount of quite accurate information about who we were and what we were going to be doing. (1973:413) This obviously was not the case for me since I was not ethnically “visible” in the field.