Turf Wars: Discourse, Diversity, and the Politics of Place by Gabriella Gahlia Modan

By Gabriella Gahlia Modan

Turf Wars: Discourse, variety, and the Politics of position is the interesting tale of an city local present process speedy gentrification.Explores how participants of a multi-ethnic, multi-class Washington, DC, group install language to legitimize themselves as neighborhood contributors whereas discrediting others.Discusses such concerns as public bathrooms and public urination, the "morality" of co-ops and condos, and characterizations of "good" women and "bad" boys.Draws on linguistic anthropology and discourse research to supply perception into the ways in which neighborhood task shapes greater city social processes.Draws additionally on cultural geography and concrete anthropology.

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By Gabriella Gahlia Modan

Turf Wars: Discourse, variety, and the Politics of position is the interesting tale of an city local present process speedy gentrification.Explores how participants of a multi-ethnic, multi-class Washington, DC, group install language to legitimize themselves as neighborhood contributors whereas discrediting others.Discusses such concerns as public bathrooms and public urination, the "morality" of co-ops and condos, and characterizations of "good" women and "bad" boys.Draws on linguistic anthropology and discourse research to supply perception into the ways in which neighborhood task shapes greater city social processes.Draws additionally on cultural geography and concrete anthropology.

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Extra resources for Turf Wars: Discourse, Diversity, and the Politics of Place

Sample text

Pleasant did not always assume that I was Jewish; they read my ethno-racial identity generally as White. 11 This was the case particularly for members of minority groups who were around my age (again highlighting the significance of age as a factor influencing social interaction). What I noticed particularly was that some people used less monitored speech around me, making more ethnic-related in-group jokes in my presence, and more stereotyped and/or negative statements about members of their own ethnic group.

And you know, we’re Indian, we’re Mayan. Okay? Right. Well then, Victoria, how did you come to talk English the way you talk English? Because, because I grew up with Blacks – alright? So when she says – when I ask her where she’s from and she says , that doesn’t tell me about her, having lived in a part of DC where she grew up with Black- kids, and how she learned to talk English like Black kids talk English. Yeah So you see what I’m sayin? Yeah, and how she, grew up with Black kids, but she never grew up with Guatemalans.

9 Sixty Sixty Yeah, they look a lot like in the sixties. They were good speakers, but they don’t work anymore. So now they’re just holding stuff. 18 Part I – The Ethnography Ernesto: Galey: Ernesto: Freddy: Galey: Ernesto: Galey: Ernesto: Galey: Freddy: Ernesto: Galey: Ernesto: Galey: Ernesto: Galey: Ernesto: Freddy: Ernesto: Freddy: Ernesto: Freddy: Ernesto: Freddy: Ernesto: Pero [but], it’s nice to have a:, something from the family. From far away, from, from home. Yeah, yeah. From long ago. But I was looking at the speakers because they do look like something they would do in the sixties.

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