By Deborah J. Yashar
Deborah Yashar analyzes the modern and asymmetric emergence of Latin American indigenous movements--addressing either why indigenous identities became politically salient within the modern interval and why they've got translated into major political enterprises in a few areas and never others. She argues that ethnic politics can top be defined via a comparative historic procedure that analyzes 3 elements: altering citizenship regimes, social networks, and political associational space--providing perception into the fragility and unevenness of Latin America's 3rd wave democracies.
Reviews:
"...a rigorous theoretical framework to a examine of democratic concerns on the topic of ethnic movements...the book...will encourage scholars in diplomacy, political technology, indigenous stories and sociology of development."
Political reports Review
"well-researched"
American magazine of Sociology, William I. Robinson
"This is a wonderful ebook and a precious addition to the sequence of volumes on collective violence and political pursuits within the Cambridge experiences in Contentious Politics."
Perspectives on Politics, Waltraud Queiser Morales, collage of relevant Florida
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Additional resources for Contesting Citizenship in Latin America: The Rise of Indigenous Movements and the Postliberal Challenge
Sample text
The rest of this book analyzes how states tried to constitute societies through citizenship regimes and how indigenous people responded in kind. I argue that citizenship regimes fundamentally changed in the last third of the twentieth century, with a corresponding, albeit unintentional, consequence of politicizing ethnic cleavages in the late twentieth century. Yet, if temporal changes in citizenship regimes provided the 18 Questions, Approaches, and Cases contemporary motive for indigenous organizing, they do not explain the spatial variation among and within countries in the late twentieth century.
These incipient organizations challenged the predominantly class-based discourse and goals of Guatemala’s popular movements and have sought to create organizations more responsive to indigenous communities and concerns. During negotiations to end Guatemala’s civil war, these organizationally diverse and often competitive organizations met in ongoing national forums to participate in the peace process. These efforts culminated in the 1995 Accord on Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the 1996 Final Peace Accord.
If organizations are ephemeral (no matter how brilliant their short shelf life) or if they “persist” but as organizational shells, I understand them to be organizationally weak. Geographically, strength means that the movement has leaders and supporters at the regional and perhaps even national level. In other words, localized movements (no matter how well orchestrated and no matter how deep their ties) are not considered strong for the purposes of this book. Finally, mobilizational capacity refers to the ability to call on supporters to demonstrate.