By Junko Ito, Armin Mester
The sound development of eastern, with its attribute pitch accessory approach and wealthy segmental alternations, has performed a huge function in glossy phonology, from structuralist phonemics to present constraint-based theories. In jap Morphophonemics Junko Ito and Armin Mester give you the first book-length therapy of significant concerns in eastern phonology from the viewpoint of Optimality Theory.In Optimality conception (OT), a generative grammar (including its phonological part) is equipped at once at the frequently conflicting calls for of alternative grammatical rules and contains a particular form of optimization because the capability of resolving those conflicts. OT bargains a brand new viewpoint from which to view lots of the tactics, alternations, and generalizations which are the normal topic subject of phonology. utilizing the phonology of compounds as an analytical thread, Ito and Mester revisit crucial points of the sound development of jap and put up them to the rigor of OT. In pursuing either famous and less-explored concerns during this region, they convey that an optimality-theoretic procedure not just presents new suggestions to previous puzzles but in addition indicates attention-grabbing new questions for either descriptive paintings and theoretical study.
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Additional info for Japanese Morphophonemics: Markedness and Word Structure (Linguistic Inquiry Monographs)
Sample text
27) Onset condition *[s C [þvoi, Àson] Could there be some kind of metatheory that would tell us that there are coda conditions but no onset conditions? Conceivably—but in a sense, we already have such a metatheory in the simple fact that there is a basic markedness constraint against the presence of codas (No-Coda militates against codas), but none against the presence of onsets (Onset militates for onsets). The missing piece is a deductive connection to these basic phonological principles, and this is what constraint conjunction supplies.
25 (30) No-j 2 C No-j The most basic configuration of this kind obtains when the intervening constraint is a faithfulness constraint relevant for the feature specification j, as in (31). To avoid unnecessary clutter in our analyses, we will in general make use of undi¤erentiated Ident for feature faithfulness, adding further distinctions in terms of specific features and the like only when required by the facts under discussion. Setting the local domain d for ‘‘morpheme’’ (indicated by m in (31)) gives rise to OCP e¤ects in morpheme structure (see McCarthy 1986, 208–219, for a taxonomy of such e¤ects).
And is violated in Yoruba and English. Constraint (5f ) holds in Albanian and Mandarin Chinese, which do not possess nonhigh front rounded vowels ([o], [‘]), and is violated in Finnish and French. The formulations in (5) make use of a conservative set of binary distinctive features, in the tradition of Jakobson 1939 and subsequent work. While any specific choice carries implications, we hope that, mutatis mutandis, privative and other conceptions can be substituted. , Harris 1994). The important point is that, in some form or other, statements like those in (5) are essential ingredients of any viable framework for phonological analysis that has been proposed.