By Jeremy Jones
Because the US call for for Western-style democracy within the center East grows ever extra strained, Harvard heart East specialist Jeremy Jones travels throughout the sector comparing the clients for swap. He engages with assorted political cultures, from conventional assemblies within the Persian Gulf, to classy multiconfessional politics within the Levant. Drawing on 25 years event within the area, and hundreds of thousands of interviews with govt officers, competition leaders, grassroots activists and traditional humans, he unearths genuine momentum in the direction of democratic reform, yet concludes that to achieve success and sturdy, it has to be pursued via neighborhood political cultures, no longer inspite of them. With a brand new viewpoint on a bothered area, his critique folks coverage argues that selling a "one-size-fits-all" democratic version has been erroneous, and eventually counter-productive.
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Additional info for Negotiating Change: The New Politics of the Middle East (Library of Modern Middle East Studies)
Example text
However, from a Western perspective, it seemed to be a moment at which some kind of rapprochement with the Islamic Republic might have been possible, for Rafsanjani’s aspirations for economic (if not political) reform looked like they might compel him to lead Iran back to the global environment of international trade and finance. Iran’s restraint during the 1990–1 war to expel Iraq from Kuwait was widely interpreted as reflecting Iran’s acquiescence in the regional status quo and a willingness not to contest increasing American involvement in regional security.
For it was the innovative concept and practice of velayet-e faqih that subsequently became institutionalized within the constitutional and political structures of the Islamic Republic as the role of the supreme leader, and became the basis for some of the strongest institutional resistance to subsequent change and innovation. The first constitution of the Islamic Republic, drafted after the referendum that established the republic itself, did not specify the powers of the supreme leader, but instead conferred substantial executive powers upon an elected president.
This may be consoling to the NDP, but it masks the fact that the Muslim Brotherhood only fielded about 130 candidates, and that its success rate was therefore over 60 per cent. Unless the government really believes that the people who constitute the silent majority of 75 per cent of the electorate who did not vote are radically different in their views and aspirations from the 25 per cent of them who did, popular support for the Muslim Brotherhood is probably somewhere between the 20 per cent indicated by its parliamentary representation and the 60 per cent indicated by its success rate in the seats it contested.