By Jose Antonio Cheibub
This e-book addresses the subsequent query: why are presidential democracies likely to holiday down than parliamentary ones? traditional knowledge between political scientists issues to the incentives generated via the shape of presidency itself; the independence of the administrative and legislature that defines presidentialism generates incentives that aren't conducive to the consolidation of democracy. at the foundation of a knowledge set that covers all democracies among 1946 and 2002, this e-book demonstrates that this isn't the case: the incentives generated by means of presidentialism are as conducive to the consolidation of democracy because the ones generated through parliamentarism. The booklet argues that what kills presidentialism is the truth that it exists in nations the place democracies of any style usually are not prone to live on. This booklet can be of curiosity to educational researchers, graduates and complicated undergraduates enrolled in classes on comparative politics and political financial system.
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Extra info for Presidentialism, Parliamentarism, and Democracy
We need rules to assess whether the relevant ofﬁces are ﬁlled through elections as well as rules to assess whether elections are competitive. A regime is classiﬁed as a democracy if it meets the requirements stipulated in all of the following rules. 1. The chief executive must be elected. 2. The legislature must be elected. 1 2 An extensive comparison between the dichotomous classiﬁcation of political regimes adopted here and existing alternatives (such as the Freedom House and Polity measures) can be found in Cheibub and Gandhi (2006).
1. Is there an independently elected president? 2. Is the government responsible to the assembly? 3. Is the government responsible to the president? After providing operational criteria for answering these questions – most importantly, for deciding about government responsibility to the assembly and to the president – I classify the constitutional framework of all democratic systems that have existed between 1946 and 2002. This amounts to 135 countries observed 15 Presidentialism, Parliamentarism, and Democracy over a total of 3,382 years and constitutes the basic data to be used for empirical analyses throughout the book.
Since by design there is no connection between legislative activities and the survival of the government in ofﬁce, parties and legislators have few incentives to cooperate with one another to assure the government’s continued existence. Note that my goal is not to argue that party discipline is higher, or at least as high, in presidential as in parliamentary democracies. I grant from the start that, were we able to compare this feature across the two systems (which is inherently difﬁcult, if not impossible), we would probably ﬁnd that average levels of party discipline are indeed higher under parliamentary democracies than under presidential democracies.