By Jo Maybin
In this publication Jo Maybin attracts on infrequent entry to the inner-workings of England's division of wellbeing and fitness to discover what forms of wisdom civil servants use while constructing coverage, how they use it and why. Combining ethnographic information with insights from psychology, socio-linguistics, sociology and philosophy, she demonstrates how civil servants interact in quite a lot of wisdom practices during their day-by-day paintings. those comprise sharing own anecdotes, thrashing-out rules in conferences and growing simplified representations of phenomena, in addition to engaging in cost-benefit analyses and commissioning educational learn. Maybin analyzes the several capabilities that those numerous practices serve, from constructing own understandings of concerns, to creating advanced social difficulties 'thinkable', and assembly the ubiquitous have the desire to make rules 'happen'. In doing so, she develops an unique concept of policy-making because the paintings of creating connections among a coverage in improvement and robust rules, humans, and tools, and divulges the 'policy knowledge' required by means of civil servants to be powerful of their jobs.
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Extra info for Producing Health Policy: Knowledge and Knowing in Government Policy Work
Sample text
Heclo, 1974, p. 316) In the context of the Department of Health, linking a policy to other current policies in a way that produces a coherent narrative was also an important part of the connecting or ‘articulation’ work which lay at the core of the civil servants’ practices. Hence meetings with colleagues may not only be about learning about an issue but also about publicising and generating support for a policy in development. These themes are explored in further detail in Chapter 5. External contacts In addition to speaking to their more immediate colleagues, the civil servants also talked to external contacts in order to further their knowledge of a policy issue.
1024; Lam 2000, p. 492). Freeman and Sturdy’s (2014) concept of ‘embodied’ knowledge brings these two categories into one, incorporating both ‘practical and gestural knowledge, deeply embedded in bodily experience and incapable of 32 Producing Health Policy expression in verbal form’ and ‘the kind of knowledge that sits in the mind and finds expression in words’ (Freeman & Sturdy 2014, p. 9). By developing a single category for embodied knowledge, Freeman and Sturdy explicitly uncouple know-how from tacit knowledge, and knowthat from explicit knowledge, pointing out the possibility of alternative pairings: ‘Certain kinds of know-how may be expressed in words as instructions and rules’, and ‘in real world situations, the mobilisation or expression of verbal knowledge invariably involves an element of tacit knowledge’ (Freeman & Sturdy 2014, p.
279). The work of these authors suggests that making sense of knowledge use by policy-makers requires attending to the social, political and ideational context within which they are operating, as well as to the particular policy-making task they are engaged in. Political and symbolic uses of evidence Another strand of literature highlights the symbolic, political and tactical uses of evidence by policy-makers (Weiss 1979). Writing in the late 1980s on the role of policy analysts, Giandomenico Majone claimed that ‘evidence’ is always necessarily a form of argumentation: ‘Evidence is not synonymous with data or information.