By Lisa Baldez
This publication compares ideologically hostile examples of women's activities in Chile. It stories the ladies who mobilized opposed to the democratically elected govt of President Salvador Allende (1970-1973) and people who mobilized opposed to the army dictatorship of basic Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990). The research records and explains the similarities that exist among those very diverse hobbies by way of the instant at which they emerge and how within which they body their calls for.
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Extra resources for Why Women Protest: Women's Movements in Chile
Using norms strategically may or may not be consistent with activists’ “real” beliefs, and may or may not result from a conscious decision-making process in which other strategies are explicitly suggested, considered, and rejected. Women do not inevitably mobilize on the basis of their identity as women simply because they are women. Framing mobilization in terms of conventional gender roles may seem to be an obvious or inevitable move, especially for women in Latin America, where machismo and marianismo (the cult of the Virgin Mary) run deep and appear to constitute an essential component of the culture.
For the ﬁrst time, the Left emerged as a contender in the electoral arena (Fernandez 1996: 39). The cementing of this new alignment fueled the formation of autonomous organizations that 23 Why Women Protest joined women across the political spectrum. With the return to civilian rule, suffrage was at the top of their agenda. Women’s groups lobbied Congress to conﬁrm Ibañez’s earlier decree – and to eliminate the property requirement. In 1934, Congress voted to afﬁrm women’s right to vote in municipal elections.
Women’s appeal to motherhood as the basis for mobilization does not necessarily evolve because society literally relegates women to the domestic realm. Women do rely upon conventional gender roles as the basis for mobilization, and they do so for a number of different reasons. In some situations, women’s decision to articulate their demands in terms of motherhood may prove politically advantageous, because motherhood affords women a political space not available to men. Karen Beckwith (1996: 1055) maintains, for example, that “where women’s standing emphasize[s] their relationships as mothers and wives, it serve[s] as a resource that protects them against certain kinds of reprisals” and enables women to do things that would be “unimaginable” for other groups to undertake.