By Evan S. Lieberman
Why have governments answered to the HIV/AIDS pandemic in such alternative ways? in past times region century, foreign companies and donors have disseminated substantial assets and a suite of most sensible perform concepts to policymakers world wide. but the governments of constructing nations in sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, Latin the United States, and the Caribbean proceed to enforce extensively various rules. barriers of Contagion is the 1st systematic, comparative research of the politics of HIV/AIDS. The ebook explores the political demanding situations of responding to a stigmatized situation, and identifies ethnic boundaries--the formal and casual associations that divide societies--as a important effect on politics and policymaking. Evan Lieberman examines the ways that possibility and social festival get mapped onto well-institutionalized styles of ethnic politics. the place robust ethnic barriers fragment societies into teams, the politics of AIDS usually tend to contain blame and shame-avoidance strategies opposed to segments of the inhabitants. In flip, govt leaders of such international locations reply some distance much less aggressively to the epidemic. Lieberman's case reports of Brazil, South Africa, and India--three constructing nations that face major AIDS epidemics--are complemented via statistical analyses of the coverage responses of Indian states and over seventy constructing nations. The experiences finish that various styles of ethnic pageant form how governments reply to this devastating challenge. the writer considers the consequences for governments and donors, and the expanding tendency to spot social difficulties in ethnic phrases.
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Example text
Yet groups organized along gender lines, income or class, and age may be characterized by similar "us-them" dynamics. In the early years of the epidemic, particularly in the advanced countries, the relevant dimension of social conflict over AIDS concerned sexual orientation. 87 Nonetheless, for the problem of AIDS policy in the developing world, there is good reason to believe that these other cleavages are either less rel- But again, these are issues of viral transmission, and the concern here is with national-level policymaking.
Group lead- ers attempt to avoid shame and to assign blame 43 ro other groups. The vety identification of risk-the chance that something bad may happen to oneself or one's group-may be experienced as a damaging social psychological phenomenon. Although denial of profound problems may do harm in the longer term, and may appear irrational to an instrumentalist theory that considers individuals in isolation, such personal and political responses are consistent with social identity theory. My point is not to claim that people are prone to individually self-destructive behavior.
For that reason, people from each region give no emotive significance to their regional identities, and are much more likely to view the epidemic in "national" terms. Activists and public health workers are likely to act first to respond in regions 1 and 2, and pooling the calculated risks of infection across regions, they are likely to describe the problem of HN in terms of a 60 I 1,000 = 6 percent prevalence. Therefore, a general sense of fear of being affected by rhe virus. is likely to emerge, even in regions 3 and 4.