By Alex Segura-Ubiergo
Stories the expansion of social welfare structures in Latin the US considering the fact that 1979.
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Additional resources for Political Economy of the Welfare State in Latin America: Globalization, Democracy, and Development
14 countries by 30 years = 420 country-years) and can therefore simultaneously test for the effect of a large number of independent variables. This helps to overcome “degrees of freedom” problems, making possible analyses that would otherwise be problematical. 58 Finally, this book clearly recognizes that there are important limitations to what we can learn from large-n studies. Quantitative analysis forces the researcher to think in terms of variables and measurements whose validity and reliability are often open to question.
In other countries, large segments of the population lack access to even the most basic social programs. However, from the perspective we are taking herein, the idea of the welfare state does not need to presuppose that the state is actually succeeding in maintaining the income of their citizens, reducing poverty, ensuring equal access to health and education, limiting dependence on the market, and so forth. It only presupposes that the state does indeed have a more or less developed repertoire of policies aimed at reaching at least some of these goals.
The most advanced welfare states in Latin America, such as Uruguay, spend as much as Norway and Spain and exceed substantially the levels of Japan and the United States – two of the richest OECD countries. , Guatemala and Paraguay) are similar in terms of social spending levels to the Philippines or Indonesia – the two smallest welfare states in East Asia. Finally, a note of caution should be introduced about the use of social expenditures to study welfare states. As Esping-Andersen pointed out, expenditures are epiphenomenal to the theoretical substance of the welfare state.